By Walter Garrison Runciman
The concluding quantity of W.G. Runciman's trilogy on social conception applies his idea and method to the case of twentieth-century English society. He indicates how England's capitalist mode of construction, liberal mode of persuasion, and democratic mode of coercion advanced within the aftermath of global struggle I from what they'd been because the Eighties, but didn't evolve considerably following global warfare II. His rationalization demonstrates that a few monetary, ideological and political practices have been favorite over others in an more and more complicated atmosphere, neither predictable nor controllable via policymakers.
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Additional resources for A Treatise on Social Theory, Volume 3: Applied Social Theory
The particular mutations of economic, ideological, and political practices which were necessary to bring all this about can, for the purposes of the present volume, be taken as given. But once England had escaped invasion or defeat in any but a colonial war, and the might-have-beens of internal subversion or anarchy had failed to eventuate, this state of affairs itself imposed lasting constraints on its subsequent evolution from one to another mode of production, persuasion, and coercion alike.
G. Runciman applies to the case of twentieth-century English society the methodology (distinguishing reportage, explanation, description and evaluation) and theory of the preceding two volumes. Volume III shows how England's capitalist mode of production, liberal mode of persuasion, and democratic mode of coercion evolved in the aftermath of World War I from what they had been since the 1880s, but did not, in turn, evolve significantly further following World War II. The explanation rests on an analysis of the selective pressures favouring some economic, ideological and political practices over others in an increasingly complex environment which policy-makers could neither predict nor control.
Did that war not bring about further changes which mark off the 1950s and 1960s from the 1920s and 1930s as much as they are marked off from the period between 1880 and 1914? Is there not an enormous difference between the experience of a demobilized wage-earner who, after 1918, went through a short-lived boom and a wave of strikes only then to be faced with the prospect of a wage-cut or the loss of his job, and that of one who, after 1945, returned to a period of full employment and, despite a continuance of rationing and shortages, a much higher level of collective provision for his and his dependants' welfare than he would have thought possible a generation before?